There are at least three views of the nature of ur-fascism.
A. It is the womb, well, or seedbed of every authoritarian redemption of life within its innermost depths and the community from decline,
II. Ur-fascism: Three keys to the door of the nature of the concept.
Ur-fascism is the womb, well, or seedbed from which every authoritarian recovery of life and death
redemption oflifeiniinem
II.A. Fascism in its most basic form.
Viewed this way, ur-fascism is fascism in its most elemental form. There are two concepts that underlie two key institutions: 1) Political authoritarianism and 2) societal organicism. In the first, D'Annunzio established the office of Commandant (to be followed by Duce, Führer, and Captain), and the second grounded the Corporatist view of society as an organic whole and the institution of the Corporation which represented an integral socioeconomic unit like the laborer, educator, or physician and their social and legal interests.
Viewed this way, ur-fascism is fascism in its most elemental form. There are two concepts that underlie two key institutions: 1) Political authoritarianism and 2) societal organicism. In the first, D'Annunzio established the office of Commandant (to be followed by Duce, Führer, and Captain), and the second grounded the Corporatist view of society as an organic whole and the institution of the Corporation which represented an integral socioeconomic unit like the laborer, educator, or physician and their social and legal interests.
II.B. Fascism as a natural impulse.
Viewed this way, ur-fascism is a drive, an urge, or a welling up of authoritarian, hierarchical, and union of elitist and collectivist impulses at different levels. This is sometimes conveyed in the claim that "Nature is fascist": That fascism is inherent in organic life.
Viewed this way, ur-fascism is a drive, an urge, or a welling up of authoritarian, hierarchical, and union of elitist and collectivist impulses at different levels. This is sometimes conveyed in the claim that "Nature is fascist": That fascism is inherent in organic life.
II.C. Fascism as a view of the world.
Viewed this way, ur-fascism is the union of both of the above mentioned ideas: Ur-fascism understood as a system (fascism in its most basic form underlying all forms of fascism) or a natural urge (fascism as an authoritarian, elitist, and hierarchical drive).
Viewed this way, ur-fascism is the union of both of the above mentioned ideas: Ur-fascism understood as a system (fascism in its most basic form underlying all forms of fascism) or a natural urge (fascism as an authoritarian, elitist, and hierarchical drive).
III. Ur-fascism: Five keys to the door of its context.
III.A. In the individual man.
If we view ur-fascism as a drive or impulse, it becomes natural to see it manifest in the man that generates political, social, and cultural friction in his assertiveness, disgust with equality and fairness, instinctual intolerance, and contempt for permissiveness. This is the beginning of what may be described as "local fascism": Fascism at the lowest of levels.
If we view ur-fascism as a drive or impulse, it becomes natural to see it manifest in the man that generates political, social, and cultural friction in his assertiveness, disgust with equality and fairness, instinctual intolerance, and contempt for permissiveness. This is the beginning of what may be described as "local fascism": Fascism at the lowest of levels.
III.B. In the unit of the family.
The family may be viewed as the functional analogue to a cell in a multicellular organism because it is at this lowest of levels that racial, ethnic, cultural, social, and historical facets of a nation is perpetuated. If fascism is a response to decline, then any local fascism surely must reveal itself here, and organicism as a view of society naturally arises in it.
The family may be viewed as the functional analogue to a cell in a multicellular organism because it is at this lowest of levels that racial, ethnic, cultural, social, and historical facets of a nation is perpetuated. If fascism is a response to decline, then any local fascism surely must reveal itself here, and organicism as a view of society naturally arises in it.
III.C. In the province or city.
The town or city is the highest level expression of "local fascism" and D'Annunzio's Fiume shows that ur-fascism may begin and certainly end at this level. Ur-fascism always aspires to upward acclamation: If it arises in a man, he naturally extends it to the family. If and when it arises in a family, it is naturally extended to a town or city. From there, it becomes natural to project, even if in a longer term, its extension to the nation or to an empire.
The town or city is the highest level expression of "local fascism" and D'Annunzio's Fiume shows that ur-fascism may begin and certainly end at this level. Ur-fascism always aspires to upward acclamation: If it arises in a man, he naturally extends it to the family. If and when it arises in a family, it is naturally extended to a town or city. From there, it becomes natural to project, even if in a longer term, its extension to the nation or to an empire.
III.D. I the nation.
In many, if not most, fascist movements and the discourse they engage in, the nation is the traditional unit of political aspiration and its structural and functional boundaries the limits of long term fascist policies. The nation is a unique people and the land it occupies.
III.E. In the empire.
If a nation is a people and the land it occupies, an empire is a nation that has extended its political control to one or more other nations and aspires to expand it further. Historically, the bases for empire differed greatly. Mosley's BUF sought to consolidate the empire it already had, permanently insulating Britain from world finance. Mussolini's PNF sought to extend its "vital space" to include a Mediterranean empire that hearkened to ancient Rome.
If a nation is a people and the land it occupies, an empire is a nation that has extended its political control to one or more other nations and aspires to expand it further. Historically, the bases for empire differed greatly. Mosley's BUF sought to consolidate the empire it already had, permanently insulating Britain from world finance. Mussolini's PNF sought to extend its "vital space" to include a Mediterranean empire that hearkened to ancient Rome.
IV. Ur-fascism: Four keys to the basis of demographics.
IV.A. Racial homogeneity, ethnic homogeneity:
In this proto-state, there is but a single racial type (e.g., white) and precisely one ethnolinguistic type (e.g., Germanic) in that one type.IV.B. Racially homogeneous, ethnically heterogeneous: 1 racial type, 2+ ethnic types.
In this proto-state, there is just one racial type (e.g., white) but within it, two or more ethnolinguistic types (e.g., Germanic and Latin).
IV.C. Racially heterogeneous, ethnically homogeneous: 2+ racial types, 1 ethnic type.
In this proto-state, there are two or more distinct racial types (e.g., white and Asian), but one ethnic type in each (e.g., the whites are each Germanic and the Asian constituents are each of, say, Korean descent).
IV.D. Racially heterogeneous, ethnically heterogeneous: 2+ racial types, 2+ ethnic types.
In this proto-state, there are two or more racial types (e.g., whites, blacks, and Arabs, or white and Asians, etc. ) and each of these racial types includes two or more ethnolinguistic types under the generic racial types.
The following are considerations that should inform a choice of "model":
1. Does the model convey or reflect a preexisting reality?
2. Is the model intended to project an ideal realty?
3. Does the model build on another ideal?
4. Is the model a compromise masked by an ideal?
In the Charter of the Regency of Carnaro, or the constitution of D'Annunzio's Fiume, there is an explicit acceptance that the Regency contains not only white Italians but also a variety of other European groups, as well as non-Europeans: "The province recognizes and confirms the sovereignty of all citizens without distinction of sex, race, language, class, or religion." In the formation of Fiume, then, the fourth model was implemented. However, this policy was not a progressive policy, as some have alleged (as Ledeen argues in The First Duce).
1. Does the model convey or reflect a preexisting reality?
2. Is the model intended to project an ideal realty?
3. Does the model build on another ideal?
4. Is the model a compromise masked by an ideal?
In the Charter of the Regency of Carnaro, or the constitution of D'Annunzio's Fiume, there is an explicit acceptance that the Regency contains not only white Italians but also a variety of other European groups, as well as non-Europeans: "The province recognizes and confirms the sovereignty of all citizens without distinction of sex, race, language, class, or religion." In the formation of Fiume, then, the fourth model was implemented. However, this policy was not a progressive policy, as some have alleged (as Ledeen argues in The First Duce).
